Turkey And Libya Agreement

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Published on: April 13, 2021

The issue of border delimitation in the eastern Mediterranean has unique factors that must be taken into account when borders are defined. The UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNDSC) proposes a fair and legitimate distribution of maritime resources and the delimitation of maritime borders. While the geographical conditions of the region are at the heart of disputes over EEZs in the eastern Mediterranean, the policies of nations, in particular, are contrary to the convention`s fundamental principles, such as the principles of “justice,” “non-intervention” and “equitable geographical distribution.” The international legal order of the EEZ was governed by Articles 55-57 of Part V of UNCLOS of 1982. According to Article 57 of the Convention, “the exclusive economic zone shall not extend to more than 200 nautical miles from the baselines from which the width of the sea of the coast is measured.” Since the distance between countries is less than 400 nautical miles in the region, the EEZ borders can only be determined by agreements between several states and, furthermore, the islands cannot have full control over the EEZs, so they cannot declare their sovereignty. The International Court of Justice has indicated that common law delimitations are carried out in accordance with “principles of fairness” and taking into account all “related situations” by an “agreement”. While Israel`s construction of the Leviathan project has been largely fluid, albeit long- but long, I have also suggested that Turkey`s regional ambitions could and would complicate the situation, particularly with regard to maritime sovereignty. Turkey is now bending to its geopolitical muscles in the region and signs a highly controversial agreement on the delimitation of maritime borders with Libya. The agreement attempts to rewrite the exclusive economic zones of the Mediterranean and give Turkey a significant say in transnational gas exploration and pipeline construction. Under the agreement, Turkey and the UN-recognized government have seen increased cooperation in Libya. This cooperation ranges from Turkey`s offshore exploration efforts to the government`s support of the National Agreement, to the ongoing Libyan civil war (2014-present). [22] As the issues arising from the dispute are still evolving, the full consequences of this maritime conflict are not yet foreseeable. The main contribution of the agreement was to ensure the resurgence of the borders of the EEZ and the eleven continents within the eastern Mediterranean, since this is the second agreement on the delimitation of maritime borders – after the agreement with the TRNC – signed in the eastern Mediterranean with a riparian state, while Greece`s agreements with Egypt and southern Cyprus have largely lost their legitimacy.

Under the new agreement, Cyprus, Egypt, Greece and Israel will not be able to carry out exploration or future pipelines without first obtaining Turkey`s permission. Israel argues that the unilateral measure does not allow Ankara to prevent it from building a gas pipeline linking the Leviathan field to Cyprus and Crete, Greece and Europe. Even the EU, which is often critical of Israel, agrees. This week, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan`s communications director, Fahrettin Altun, tweeted that the military agreement would “improve the security of the Libyan people.” However, details of the memorandums signed on Wednesday have yet to be published. The internationally recognized Tripoli government confirmed the new agreements, but did not give details. The legitimacy and legal consequences of the agreement have been challenged by a number of states in the region as well as by the European Union. According to the European Union, the agreement “violates the sovereign rights of third countries, is not in accordance with the law of the sea and cannot have legal consequences for third countries.” [3] Cyprus and Egypt both considered the agreement “illegal”, while Greece considers it “unconfessed” and “geographically absurd” because it ignores the presence of the islands of Crete, Kasos, Karpathos, Kastellorizo and Rhodes between the Turkish and Libyan coasts. [4] John M

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